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Amira Hass: Hungry and Shell-Shocked

Amira Hass: Hungry and Shell-Shocked

Hamas is busy trying to quell false rumors that abound in the streets.
One such rumor is that salaries were paid but only to those who support
Hamas.

*By Amira Hass*

GAZA - Where will the next blow land? That is the question. Not if it
will come, but rather when, and on whom will it land, and what kind will
it be?

Five-year-old L. believes the solution is to sleep every night in his
parents' bed, and in that way to be protected from the shelling. But
even there he is not able to fall asleep because he is so worried and
afraid. In the kindergarten in the yard outside the house, the children
speak all the time about the "booms" that fill their day. Booms from the
sea and booms from the land. Day and night. Sometimes three per minute,
sometimes three per hour. Sometimes simultaneously from the land and
from the sea. The air quivers, a flock of birds takes off in fear, and
for a minute the silence of terror reigns. Are there casualties? Who,
where, how many? If the parents succeed in hiding from their children
pictures of the other children who have been killed or wounded by the
shells, the older children fill in the gory details from what they saw
on TV or read in the papers. They strengthen each other's fears.

In an agricultural neighborhood near the border in the northern Gaza
Strip, north of Beit Lahiyeh, the fears are made concrete by the
shrapnel that has fallen countless times on the asbestos roofs. The
parents have sent the children to relatives in Gaza city, so they may go
to school far away from the shells. "In our neighborhood, people have
not yet been killed," Z. says cynically. But the shells have taken their
toll: two donkeys, a few sheep and a handful of chickens.

In the northern Gaza Strip, thousands of farming families are due to
return to work their lands which were destroyed by Israeli army
bulldozers over the past five years. Immediately after the Israeli army
pulled out of the Gaza Strip, government and non-government bodies
joined forces to rehabilitate the scorched earth. They howed and they
plowed and they distributed seeds and saplings. But the farmers are
afraid to go out to their lands.

Z. spent many years in jail, as did his brother. Another brother was a
wanted man until he was killed in an assassination. Z. says he has
several times prevented armed groups from firing rockets from their
area. Because of his family history, he was able to stand in front of
them and say that they have "had enough of destruction and bloodshed, we
are not afraid of you. No benefit comes from fighting the occupation
with the homemade rockets you are firing."

In places where large and strong families live, such as Beit Hanoun,
they have succeeded several times in chasing away those who fire the
rockets. They move to more open spaces or to areas where the families
are less strong, such as Beit Lahiyeh.

During a meeting of pupils, angry voices were heard saying, two weeks
ago: "Let them fire the rockets from where they are, in [the refugee
neighborhood of] Sheikh Radwan." But people do not vent their anger in
public against those who fire the rockets. "Anyway, whether there are
rockets or not, the Israelis fire shells," is the unequivocal conclusion
in Gaza. Z. says: "There are no rockets in our area now, only Israeli
shellings. I act as a guard protecting the Israelis, preventing rockets
from being fired here by armed groups, but nevertheless the shells fall
in our area."

"There is a law in Israel that every soldier must fire a shell every
hour," says B. He lives in a new housing development in the northern
Gaza Strip, in which mainly Palestinian policemen who returned home from
abroad reside. Three shells have already fallen on this development but
by some miracle no one has been killed. One time, a shell fell on an
iron banister, another time in the yard, and another time it did not
explode. They are so close to the Erez checkpoint, to the border, that
they can hear when the shells are fired; they hear them whistling above
and landing and exploding. This Wednesday morning was strange, he said.
By nine o'clock there had been no shells.

B.'s wife gave birth two weeks ago and is staying with her parents in
Gaza city. But she is due to return home today (Friday). "Where will we
go? We are like all those who live in Gaza. If there is no shell from
the sea or land, we will be hit by a missile from a plane or drone. In
the beginning, the children who fired the rockets from among us would
move around next to us. As a policeman, I have instructions to prevent
firing. We chased them away several times. But I too, as a policeman,
have become a target for the shelling. With or without rockets, you
shell us. Everyone here is walking around dazed, without sleep, because
of fear of the booming noises. We sit in our homes, waiting to see who
will die first."

The disaster of the shelling near his home has made the disaster of the
economic situation seem easier for B. As a policeman, he has not
received a salary, like the other workers in the public and security
sectors of the Palestinian Administration. Israel does not transfer to
the Palestinian Authority the money which comes from collecting taxes on
goods imported via its ports. The United States and Europe have
cancelled their assistance to the PA. The salaries of 140,000 families
in the West Bank and Gaza, amounting to some NIS 1,000 - NIS 2,000 per
month per family, are already three weeks overdue.

"My situation is good. My wages did not get to the bank but I can buy
from the shop on credit," says B. "What can the unemployed do? No one
sells them anything, even on credit."

L's father is currently unemployed. He is an engineer and was promised a
new job in one of the infrastructure projects being supported by DIASU,
an American aid fund. But now the fund has cancelled its donations to
the projects that were due to be carried out through the PA and its
government offices. The contractors he knows do not even answer the
tenders that are published in the newspapers. What is the point, one of
them says, we can't take on any commitments - we don't know when the raw
materials will arrive, when Israel will open and close the checkpoints.
We have no estimate when the work will be finished because this depends
on the raw materials. I can't make an obligation to pay the workers
because I don't know when those ordering the work will be able to pay
me. Even the shopkeepers are unemployed: There are no buyers, no goods,
there is no point in keeping them or in paying for them from an income
that does not exist.

The supermarket in the teachers' neighborhood in Tel el-Hawa in Gaza was
closed for two days and its workers sent home on forced leave. There
were no shoppers in the el-Kishawi supermarket in the Rimal quarter on
Wednesday afternoon and its shelves were half empty. Worried parents
said: We won't be able to pay registration for the universities next month.

The roads are also empty: The center of Gaza city is no longer blocked
with traffic as it used to be. The emptiness is particularly felt after
2.30 in the afternoon when the school children and clerks go home. The
roads are empty because people are saving: They do not shop, they do not
want to pay for transportation, they do not want to pay for gas.
Although vegetables are very cheap, even the markets are empty. The
vegetables cannot be marketed in the West Bank and they have flooded
Gaza and Rafah. A suggestion was even made that they be distributed
free, through some non-governmental agencies. The roads are empty, also,
from fear - fear that a shell or missile could explode at any moment.

"I am not surprised that Israel is shelling us like that," says H., a
Hamas activist. "That is its nature; that is what it has always done. I
am surprised at those of us who are doing everything to trip up the
government." In the streets, people do not point an accusatory finger at
the Palestinian rocket launchers "because everyone is busy with the
missing salaries, with trying to save money, with being afraid of the
shells Israel is firing, and with anxiety about the future," says M. who
is opposed to firing the rockets. S. who is also opposed, complains that
people are stuck in a mentality of "reaction and revenge" and therefore
they approve of the firing.

But accusatory voices have been raised in Hamas; they say that senior
Fatah officers are behind those who are firing the rockets, that they
send them out to fire the rockets so that there will be greater
political and security chaos and more pressure on the new government to
resign. One side makes accusations and the other rebuffs them.

A field worker for an NGO who does not have ties with either side, says
this appears to be a baseless allegation. "Official Fatah opposes firing
rockets. The groups that are continuing to fire the rockets are those
who are close to Islamic armed groups," he says, quoting informed
sources of his own.

But, he confirms, senior Fatah officers are behind the verbal incitement
campaign being waged against the new government: They are behind the
complaints that the government does not pay salaries and therefore is
not fulfilling its duties - as if this is the first time that a
Palestinian government is late with salaries, as if it alone is
responsible. They are also behind complaints that its ministers are
funding advisers and senior officials known for their support of Hamas,
while most of the public sector in the past consisted of people known
for their support of Fatah, as well as complaints that the Hamas
ministers are not as competent and talented as expected.

There are two opposing points of view among the population. There are
those who complain that the Hamas movement should have taken the Israeli
and international response into account when it ran in elections for a
parliament with limited authority and when it agreed to set up a
government that was limited in advance. In other words, it should have
taken different decisions in accordance with its political ability - not
to form a government, or to agree to Abu Mazen's terms and to have a
platform that would not make it possible for the entire world to boycott
the Palestinian people and impose another economic and political
sanction. Every day another country announces that it is canceling the
economic aid that over the past five years has become the Palestinian
nation's oxygen. The latest one, for the time being, was Japan. Israeli
banks do not transfer money to Palestinian banks. The Arab Bank is not
prepared to give the government loans. Even if Iran and Qatar send money
to the PA, how will it reach them? It has to go through Israel's central
bank which, of course, will refuse.

The other school of thought represents people like Z., who does not
support Hamas. He is convinced that the pressure will have the opposite
effect: It will merely serve to strengthen the public's support for the
government.

But everyone is afraid that, in addition to the security blow - in the
form of shells - and in addition to the economic blow, there will be yet
another blow, and it will be felt as an explosion when the tensions
between Hamas and Fatah become even greater. About ten days ago, Fatah
supporters blocked the way of Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh. He did not
make a fuss about it. Last Tuesday, people in Gaza said, members of
Izzadin el-Kassam opened fire at the person they consider responsible
for blocking "their" prime minister's way - the preventive security
officer in Jabaliyeh. The more the Fatah people and their armed
supporters complain and demonstrate about the failure of the new
government, the more the armed Hamas members feel obliged to defend its
honor.

There are mixed and confusing messages. Official Fatah is opposed to
military escalation and Abu Mazen condemned the terror attack in Tel
Aviv in no uncertain terms. But for their part, the Al-Aksa Martyrs'
Bigade, which Abu Mazen and the security forces are not able to rein in,
condemned his condemnation. Hamas still officially holds on to the
theory that the Palestinian nation has the right "to defend itself." In
a video conference with Palestinian foreign ministry officials, the
foreign minister, Mahmoud a-Zahar, said that the platform of the new
government remains loyal to the right of armed resistance. One of the
officials in Ramallah asked him whether this meant he should go and blow
himself up with an explosives belt. This was the opening shot in the
tense relations.

On the other hand, Interior Minister Said Seyam held a secret meeting
with the mukhtars of the large and important families in Gaza. Sources
in Fatah and Hamas say that he proposed they sign a petition calling for
an end to the rocket firing from Gaza to Israel. "Sign it yourself," the
mukhtars replied, "You are the minister." But the Hamas is afraid to
make public any position that can be seen as retreating from an armed
struggle for fear that the Fatah will use it in propaganda against it.

Hamas is busy trying to quell false rumors that abound in the streets.
One such rumor is that salaries were paid but only to those who support
Hamas. Another is that Haniyeh participated in a heavy meal immediately
after delivering his "hyssop and oil" speech a week ago in which he
stated that the Palestinian people could exist on those two items rather
than surrendering. Hamas is also accused of behaving in ways typical of
Fatah during its rule.

Z. agrees with Haniyeh and educates his children in this way: "I was
born in a refugee tent, I studied with the light of a candle, we ate
hyssop and oil and we received clothes from UNRWA. My children can also
live like that." S. laughs bitterly: "Which oil? And which hyssop?
People have found out how expensive they are. You pay 20 shekels for a
liter of oil and seven shekels for half a kilo of hyssop. People no
longer speak about oil and hyssop. They eat a cheaper substitute,
'duka,' derived from the sumac spice.''

/� Haaretz/
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